Accessible Archives Inc.

Page Image  |  Close

Collection: Women's Suffrage
Publication: The 19th Amendment Victory: A Newspaper History, 1762-1922 from THE LIBERATOR
Date: August 25, 1848
Accesible ArchivesTitle: FIRST OF AUGUST IN LYNN.
Location: Boston

The day preceding the First of August, like that preceding our late excursion to Abington on the 4th of July, was rainy and gave but little promise of the delightful weather with which we were to be favored for our gathering and pic nic amidst leafy woods and beneath the broad expanse of heaven.

The friends from Boston took the cars for Lynn at quarter past 9 A.M—in number 200 strong; and on reaching Rail Grove they found a goodly host brought together from Lynn and the neighboring towns—especially from places on the route of the Eastern railroad. After a few moments spent in friendly greetings and also in arranging banners and other matters, the meeting was called to order by S May Jr., Chairman of the committee of arrangements, —and James N. Buffam of Lynn was appointed President, problem. A committee to nominate officers for the day was then chosen, consisting of Oliver Johnson of Blackstone, Samuel May, Jr. of Boston, and Lewis Ford of Abington,—who soon reported the following list, which was unanimously adopted:—James N. Buffum of Lynn, President; Francis Jackson of Boston, Edmund Quincy of Dedham, Oliver Johnson of Blackstone, Charles F. Hovey of Gloucester, Vice-Presidents; Lucy Stone of West Brookfield, Robert F. Wallcat of Boston, Secretaries.

Thomas T. Stone of Salem then made an impressive prayer, and an Emancipation hymn from a sheet prepared for the occasion and distributed among the assembly, was sung with enthusiasm to the good old tune of Peterboro' under the direction of our friend Elias Richards of Weymouth. This and other appropriate pieces sung during the day to familiar airs in which a large portion of the people could join, added a pleasing effect to the other performances —the open air and the surrounding forest softening and mellowing whatever of discordant notes might else have struck upon the ear.

Edmund Quincy was the first to address the meeting. It is proper to state here, that the few brief hints which we are able to give of the remarks of Mr. Quincy and others make no pretensions to do them justice; indeed so far from it, that several times we have almost made up our minds to suppress them altogether, and content ourselves with a bare enumeration of the speakers of the day lest we should be charged with murdering our friends, through with very kind intentions.

Mr Quincy rapidly and graphically sketched the history of the Antilles and of slavery as connected with them. He said and he showed that the discovery of America has been no blessing to the world thus far. From the first moment that the white man planted his foot in this Western hemisphere, wrong and outrage have marked his career. The of unnumbered millions of crushed and bleeding aboriginal Americans and Africans have not ceased from hour to hour to rise into the ears of a God of justice. The African slave trade and its horrors were then briefly passed under review. Up to Clarkson's time thick darkness shrouded man's moral perceptive faculties. With Clarkson arose the first dawn of hope for humanity. Amidst tremendous opposition, he and his composts struggled on and on till victory crowned their labors, and the slave trade was by abolished—made privacy. Yet it was not abolished in fact, - and only revealed to them that while they had been backing at the bark of the tree, in the hope that thus wounded, it would die,—the vigorous root deep down in the earth was not yet touched; a new covering and a new verdure soon obliterated all the labors, and filled them with sadness. Then came Elizabeth Heyrick. She, a dying woman, opened to mankind the true doctrine—immediate emancipation —the right of the slave, the duty of the master This doctrine, urged upon the people of Great Britain in every form of agitation, in ten years produced the great result which we this day commemorate Their agitation was just such agitation as we have used, and must use, until the same result, or one equivalent, shall be secured for this slavery-bestridden land. Mr. Q then referred to the encouraging facts which have occurred since our last celebrations of this anniversary. King Christian,—a most Christian king, certainly,—has abolished slavery in the . The French republic, too, has to its name of reputes, and at the same time thrown new contempt and disgrace upon our own Republic, by setting free from cartelism all colonial dependencies. He then closed with exhaustions to perseverance and fidelity to truth and nigh unto the end.

S May, Jr. here made a good humored suggestion, which, he said, to prevent any appearance of censure, he ought to have made in the beginning, that the speeches should be short. Mr. Q pleasantly said in reply, that if his speech was too long, he was not to blame: for the President, when he announced him, whispered to him long he had better speak, and he had come half a minute short of using all his time.

Wm. W. Brown next addressed the meeting shame to this country, boasting of freedom, said Mr. B, that England , monarchical England, should have been first to proclaim liberty to all The American Revolution was a curse to the African race. The white man—the Anglo-Saxon—might glory in it, if he selfishly regarded only his own immediate interest;—but the African, and all who had African blood in their veins, could only curse it. Had that revolution never taken place, the First of August might have been a day for us to rejoice at as well as for the people of the West India Islands. The British Government were wise as well as humane in emancipating when they did. The American Government is blinded as well as hardened; and it seems madly rushing on its own destruction. The Gods first make mad those whom they would destroy, and then they will destroy themselves. The Gods certainly seem to have taken this Government's wits away, and to be driving them on to madness and self-destruction. But let emancipation come—come peaceably if it may—but let it come at any rate. Mr. B. said he wished not for scenes of blood and carnage, —but if a favorable opening should occur to the slave population of this country, he could hardly subdue himself to counsel non-resistance, or to act upon its principle himself.

Here a hymn was sung; after which Miss Lucy Stone spoke briefly—the open air tasking her voice rather too much for her to speak long. We rejoice not, said she, so much for the mere act of emancipation, —glorious as that was,—as for the side-spread regenerated public sentiment that must have preceded and caused it. The Emancipation in the is artful islands of the; West Indies is a prelude to our own. The humanized, Christianized sentiment, which produced that, is abroad among us. It is spreading, it is working in the hearts of the people; it will achieve the blessed result; How sublime was the event we now commemorate! Nothing since Christianity equals it. The boom of its swelling peals of rejoicing is wafted to the ears of our own Southern slave. His heart exults—he takes courage. A voice comes sweetly to his soul—'Life up your head, for your redemption draweth nigh.'

After the appointment of a Committee of Finance, consisting of Samuel May, Jr., Lewis Ford, Wm. W. Brown, and John Wooldredge of Marblehead, an adjournment for recess took place, and the friends scattered themselves in groups through the paths of the surrounding woods, to partake of their pic-nic refreshments;—and to one who had an eye for the picturesque, scarcely any sight more beautiful can be imagined than was presented through the opening vistas of that wild Wood-scene.

After an hour spent in social festivity, the meeting was again opened by singing a hymn,—when the the President announced Mr. Joseph S Robinson, an intelligent colored man from the Bermudas, where he had lived from has birth. Having qualified himself to be a teacher of youth, he had been employed for several years in that capacity, and with much success, as is shown by the most satisfactory test mortal given him by prominent and cultivated individuals, clergymen and civilians. Children, white and colored, indiscrimately composed his school. Slaveholders, cowardly in heart, and hating those whom they have brutally injured, lave it down as a proposition which they will not hear questioned, that the races can never live together on terms of equality. But the facts of Emancipation in the West Indies already stamp that assertion as untrue. To an unprejudiced mind, no facts are needed to prove it unphilosophical.

Mr. Robinson's health failing him, he has come to see if by a change of climate and of occupation, he may renew it. In his remarks, he gave us an account of emancipation and its results, as he himself witnessed them in the Bermudas. The facts are similar to those which have before been given in relation to the larger British Colonies in the West Indies. Freedom was received devoutly, as a gift from God rather than from men. Joy and peace filled all hearts. All improved moral condition has been steadily developing itself—the result of the higher self-respect inspired by their new position. Schools have been established, churches built, marriages consummated, habits of industry formed. In the whole period of fourteen years since Emancipation took place, not three hundred dollars has been paid for the support of Colored paupers in the Bermudas. Other striking facts were detailed, which have escaped us,—though repeated cries of hear, hear, when they were uttered, evinced the interest they excited Mr. Robinson was followed by Wm. G. Allen of Troy, N.Y, late editor of the National Watchman, in that place, who made a brief but animated speech, showing that the American nation stands before the world in a shameful position. It has planted its iron heel on a whole race of God's children. It makes its highest mission In be crushing out of existence the mind. Conscience, soul of a great race, and then impiously maintaining that mind, conscience, soul, never belonged to that race. When we look a, Douglass and others, who, under a mountain, load of difficulties, have struggled and risen to their present eminence, we cannot but feel how many noble intellects and exalted sports of which the world has had no cognizance, have been murdered by this great bit rapacious Republic. Mr. Allen closed by quoting some spirited hues from one of the hymns which had been previously sung with so much effect.

The President next, announced Wendell Phillips, who made a brilliant, soul-stirring speech. in which, though his rebukes were most withering, and to some of his audience, far from welcome, he yet held the assembly in respectful and fixed attention to its close.

Mr. P. and. We are met to commemorate, not a mere fact in British history, but in the world's history The Emancipation in the West-Indies stands out, and to coming ages will more and more stand out in importance, as among the few great leading events, by the side of which the common deals of history, the rise and full of dynasties, sink into complete insignificance Who wrought the Emancipate on in the West Indies The British Government claims and receives the credit of it, but to those who carefully study how that event was brought shunt, it will be but too apparent that the Government deserves no such credit The Government opposed it as long as it was safe to opposed it, and finally yielded only to the moral force generated by the faithful utterance of Elisabeth Hayrick's great truth among the masses of Great Britain. The 'power behind the throne, greater than the throne' was this moral sentiment prevailing the middle classes, and presenting actives to all branches of the Government, which it is never prudent for the government to disregard. We learn another thing from observing how this matter was brought about Emancipation faded as long as politicians were trusted. It was only when the women and true hearted men came up in the strength of religious principle, that success crowned the enterprise. Now what we thus learn as to the true character of the power and the persons by which and by whom Emancipation in the British West Indies was accomplished, is certainly fruitful of instruction to us. Many among cur selves, among Abolitionists, particularly just now, are looking to political expedients A mania for politics seems native to us. Even many heartily engaged in a moral enterprise, readily grasp at any new political machinery that will only undertake to accomplish the smallest fraction of the object aimed at in that enterprise. They see not that in a moral enterprise political machinery is naught. Numbers furnish it not strength but weakness. Politicians are not to be trusted in a moral movement. They have not moral strength enough to accomplish anything. They are ever ready to sacrifice the right to any preset expedient. Slavery in this country stands firmly based on the love of property and the love of power. No politician, —no Van Bares, no John P. Hals may he relied on by whole hearts and Anti-Slavery men to overthrow it. They will find themselves Miserably deceived when the puny efforts of those whom they trust shall come to grapple with the gigantic power of Slavery. No. We shall see that Slavery, like a hurricane, will sweep over all their political arrangements. When did ever a political party upset an institution, popular, wide-spread, in a caught with all other institutions.—as Slavery is among us? The young Whigs, the Barnburners—are but half men— half conscience men—half principled—and so must fail. We may well hail their movement, especially as they appear to be honest and earnest in their half righteous principle—we may and must look on it with interest, hoping that failure, which surely will come, may teach them that they must take a higher, wider, more out and out opposition to Slavery, or all their labor will be in vain.

Robert Morris Esq., of Boston, regretted that he must differ from some positions of his friend, Mr. Phillips. For himself he could not but look more hopefully than Mr. P. did upon the movement of the young Whigs. That movement had had thus far his hearty concurrence. To his mind the non-extension of Slavery was a good principle to begin with. Mr. Morris said he believed in the use and necessity even of political efforts and political machinery to accomplish objects needed for the public welfare; and if we are to have political machinery and political movements, we must be content to have them as good as we can get them, if we cannot get them as good as of desire. He looked with interest to the Buffalo Convention, and hoped they would nominate men whom he could support. Should they, however, nominate Mr. Van Buren, be should bolt. He could not vote for him. Mr. Morris then closed with some remarks upon the pitiful condition of the colored people, particularly in reference to common school privileges, and urged the necessity of vigilance and activity in order to secure their rights in this regird.

Rev. Thomas T. Stone of Salem, was struck with the remark of Mr. Phillips, that British Emancipation made no progress while trusting to political agitators. We ourselves very much need elevation of moral him. Mr. S. said he usually preached from a text, and he would take for a text now—'wholly given to idolatry.' It described this nation graphically to his mind. The nation has many slots Some worshipped in one sections chiefly or exclusively, while in other sections other idols are set up. The idol which now occupied his view, as particularly adored at the North, was the UNION. Union is good, but not the greatest good,—therefore not to be worshipped,'—made supreme—above liberty—above right. The South does not worship the UNION but SLAVERY.I's motto is—Slavery first', Union next, and Union to secure Slavery. Why do we not say, Freedom first. Union next, and Union to secure Freedom. Why not say, Freedom first and last— or Union NIVEN.

Rev. Charles C. Shack ford of Lynn, being called on by the President, came forward to the platform, good humouredly saying that be had tried to dodge and keep out of the range of the President's eye. But it wan in vain,—and he would surrender himself. Said Mr C.—The world has had many saints in its time. St. Thomas Aqumas, St. Stytes, &c. The world calls now for a new act of canonization. The new Saint should be St. Humanity. This is one of St Humanity's days The work achieved on this day, was a great work for humanity. It did more then the Declaration of Independence to establish to the world that man is man, independent of the accidents of color, rank, or condition. The accident of color seemed to Mr S. more odious and contemptible as a ground of social distinction, than almost any other. He regretted even to hear it alluded to. Christianity revolts at such a distinction. It insults the highest nature of man, to make each a distinction The gentle, affectionate, trusting nature of the black man has very much of Christ in it; and, O, horrible;—the white man's avarice, because of this meek sprit of the negro, his seized the opportunity of trampling up in him, and converting his blood and news to a new means of wealth. Ah, let it be considered that, into that kingdom about the white man, with with his Anglo-Saxon spirit of self-esteem, prates so to —the meek, unresisting negro shall been admitted, and himself cast out. Mr S. had never been identified, be said, with Abolitionists. But he would take this occasion to say, that they have the true principle. No Union with Shareholders is a great and light principle. Let Anti-Slavery people abide unflinchingly by it. Let them be true to it, and never compromise it by coalescing with any political party, standing on a harrower moral foundation then their own of no Union with slaveholders.

The time had now nearly arrived for dissolving the meeting, in order to be in season for the ears The following resolution, proposed by Wendell Phillips, and seconded by S. May Jr., was unanimously adopted, with a request that the officers of the meeting would forward a copy of it to the family of the late Major Culturist:

Resolved, That on this day, especially, we desire gratefully to remember the untiring and sell-sacrificing labors of the late Major John B. Culturist of Ireland, in the cause of the apprentices and emancipated slaves of the West Indies, his deep interest in the Anti-Slavery enterprise of these United Slates, and his earnest co-operation with the friends of our cause on the other side of the ocean; and in his death we deplore the loss, while we cherish the memory, of the impartial magistrate, the fearless friend and protector of the emancipated negro, and the friend of humanity of every country, color, and clime.

A closing hymn was then sung, and the meeting was dissolved.

JAMES N BUFFUM, Pres t.

LUCY STONE ROBBERT F. WALLCUT, Secretaries.

The Eastern Argus likens Northern doughfaces 'o Mr TOOTS, when that sagacious individual says to Capt. Tuttle, 'If I could be dyed black, and made Miss Dombey's slave, I should consider it a compliment.

The Cost of Glory. —The whole number of Americans that were killed in the recent war, including the line of the Rio Grande and that of Vera Cruz, is estimated at 2000, and the wounded at 4000. It is impossible to say how mar of the latter hare dies in consequence of their wounds, but we should suppose not less than one-fourth, say 1000, making in all 3000 deaths from battle. This, however, bears but a small proportion to the number who have sunk under disease. On the left flank of the Castle of Perote there are 2,600 American graves, all victims of disease. A still larger number perished at the Capital— the deaths these or a considerable time were one thousand monthly , and at no time did they fall below from 300 to 400.

Taylor in Louisiana —The Red River Republican, heretofore locofoce, has run up the Taylor and Fillmore flag. La Patria, the Spanish paper at New Orleans, has done the same.

The New York Morning Star records the death of Mr. Simpson, late manager of the Park theatre.